The materials used are soft and yielding and can be easily shaped, enabling rapid execution. Thus, a sculptor can capture and record fleeting impressions much the way a painter does in a quick sketch.
Clay or claylike substances, baked to achieve increased durability, have been used for modeling since ancient times. With this goal in mind, strike a chord and motivates people to pursue Art and Sculpture as an academic discipline just to enable us have a history of all past events. The sculptor according to many has been the god of the hall since its inception. Some stories gathered indicate that there came a time that the university chaplain organized and coordinated prayer towers just to gather around and drive the supposed demonic spirit that had endeavor to posses the sculptor at that period.
It is said that there came a time not everyone could have even gone close to the cock just to downplay it. For such a person will surely die. African art, unlike most European art, generally serves a function. The art may satisfy an everyday household need, adorn the body, or fulfill a social or religious role. These objects of use also have artistic value because skilled artisans have designed and created them with a strong concern for visual beauty and symbolic meanings. Again, Republic Hall is one of the halls on the Kwame Nkrumah University of science and technology campus that has a lot of statues within it.
Almost every statue situated in the Republic Hall are miniature of human begins but most significantly are naked as they were made. All are again females and not even a single one is a male. Some showering; as located close to the reservoir and close to the kitchen whiles the other is just in the centre of the hall and in the lawns, pouring libation. But under normal circumstance, paintings or art works depicting human beings are not suppose to be in such nude postures. One may however ask; why are all of these statues naked?
It is very simple for one to deduce the answer from it and is directly associated with its residents. It is believed from the far past that the residents of the Republic Hall were and are still self-indulgent and as a result lead a kind of life that is not worth emulating. This trend and believe has lived on ever since the hall started its annual anniversary celebrations Hall Week. It must however be stated that if indeed this allegations are reality, then it is high time the hall as well as the university authorities demolished such art works and reformed the history of the hall for the better and as an appreciative tourist site.
Their written language, Mongolian, dates from at least as early as the 11th century. The Mongols are thought to have been a loose confederation of tribes until the Mongol conqueror Genghis Khan united them into one formidable nation in the early 13th century. Under his leadership, they developed a powerful army that swept west into Europe and east into China, eventually forming a widespread Eurasian empire. The Mongols were afterward trounced, and they returned to relative political murkiness. The Mongols now number approximately 6 million, with most of the population practicing Buddhism and the remainder embracing shamanism.
The Mongols are still largely a nomadic people, and their wealth consists of sheep, horses, cattle, camels, and goats. It however emphasizes the hope for independence.
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On the other hand, reforming the story behind the naked statues in the Republic hall might also be a welcoming idea. Loading Preview. The Legacy of J. Fred Akuffo, who had, in turn, deposed his predecessor, Gen. Acheampong, in a palace coup. This work piece assesses the achievements the legacy of J. Rawlings since , as he entrenched the leadership role of a "watchdog" for ordinary people by addressing the problems of incompetence, injustice and corruption; instituted a transition from authoritarianism to multi- party democracy; led Ghana through the difficult years of economic recovery; and succeeded in giving back to Ghanaians their national pride.
RAWLINGS Politically, Rawlings instituted a transition from authoritarianism to multi-party democracy by attempting to decentralize the functions of government from Accra to other parts of the country. In theory, the process of political change, begun in by Rawlings and the PNDC, was a "bottom up" strategy to ensure the involvement of citizens in nation building.
After Rawlings took power by a military coup in , no national elections were held until The presidential election was full of malpractice, including the accuracy of voters' register and the use of state resources for assisting government candidate's campaign. This led the opposition leaders to not only reject Rawlings' victory but to boycott subsequent parliamentary elections in which the candidates of opposition parties may have won many seats.
Aside from the fact that the PNDC survived many coup attempts after introducing the ERP, there was a lot of opposition to the regime from other organized groups that had strong ties to students and labor that vehemently denounced Rawlings and his government's close ties to International Financial Institutions IFNs. The initial response to this opposition was PNDC's repression of public discussion of adjustment measures and criticisms of the government through the use of draconian means such as outlawing or restricting strikes, stopping mass protests and demonstrations, and the use of force by the state.
This lack of representative institutions was sustained until the elections for district assemblies held in Even after the national elections the atmosphere was not congenial enough to provide a suitable milieu for wider political participation. Consequently the political legitimacy of the Rawlings government, despite a competitive multiparty election, had a cloud hanging over it because of the prior repression of labor unions and lack of public discourse of government policies.
In terms of repression of popular movements, Callaghy observes that government officials were most worried that political instability following resistance from key opposition groups could have a devastating impact on the remarkably sustained efforts of the ERP.
As Jeong shows, because of the continued monopoly of power in one party, the elections have not resulted in any significant changes in government policies and its relationship to major social groups and external economic forces. Krause asserts that Rawlings saw the traditional chiefs as "instruments of stability" and "linkage with the rural population," and the only ones able to overcome populist resistance and reduce anti-government sentiment.
Many Ghanaian respondents expressed their joy and pride that the election was peaceful, and that the rest of the world, especially the West, never believed that an African country could hold a democratic election without a hitch. Their comments exemplified the joy of Africans and national pride of Ghanaians, as the nation made a transition toward democratic rule. On December 18, , while participating in a BBC Special Political Forum in the aftermath of the Ghanaian elections, Professor Gyimah Boadi and Audrey Gadzekpo responded to general questions regarding the future of Ghana and the possibility of Rawlings returning to rule.
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Gadzekpo's response was mostly esoteric in nature: "In view of Rawlings' young age as a former head of state, energetic and with lots of ideas, Ghanaians would have to deliberate on the means of taking care of him in a manner that would 'dissuade' him from coming back. He said "there are a lot to love about Rawlings and also a lot to hate him for; in short, he is a polarizing figure. The vision resulted in the drafting of the Constitution, formation of many political parties, and holding of the elections, all based on good planning to guarantee the restoration of electoral and political systems in Ghana.
When Rawlings was reelected in to a second and final term, many observers saw it as the perpetuation of the political malaise of "sit- tight leaders" in Africa; political events in the aftermath of the elections had since proved the skeptics to be incorrect. Nonetheless, when the elections were held, Rawlings had ruled Ghana for 19 years - a lot less than many other incumbents in Africa, but unlike other African leaders, he had many accomplishments to show for his stewardship in Ghana.
Economically, Rawlings, unlike many other leaders in Ghana's history, subsequently led the country through the difficult years of economic recovery and succeeded in giving back to Ghanaians their national pride. One of the most distinctive characteristics in Ghanaian politics was that the Rawlings regime's commitment to liberal economic reform after did change its commitment to PNDC's original mandate.
Rawlings, in his dealings with Ghanaians, exhibited the virtues of effective leadership by espousing the notion that sound economic planning would be the only guarantee of improving the well-being of the people after years of decline. Furthermore, since the launching of the 31 December, coup, his concern has consistently been focused on the poor and the exploited and his declarations of "power to the people," is reminiscent of a leader providing what is "missing" in the body politic in Ghana, a phenomenon much sought after in many neighboring West African regimes. Before the implementation of Ghana's ERP, the Rawlings regime pursued radical economic redistribution policies by encouraging the support of low-income classes.
Consequently, in order for Rawlings' PNDC to successfully manage and maintain neo-classical economic policies, despite oppositions like the labour unions and student organizations due to the swing in political ideology, the regime had to insulate itself from powerful social groups and pact with social opposition through: i oppression, ii weak institutional structure, and iii weighty dosage of financial assistance from internal donors, who were intent on making Ghana a "show piece" in the sub-Saharan region while implementing IMF and World Bank conditionalities, as prescribed by the Structural Adjustment Program SAP.
The de facto price adjustments that preceded official adjustments, they argued, also paved the way for an official change of policy, and devaluation would not have changed the price structure of importable goods, whose prices had already increased in the market place to reflect the diminished real value of the cedi the Ghanaian currency.
Rawlings espoused a multi-dimensional concept of leadership in reforming the economy that embodied power, discretion and legitimacy, and his success as a leader was predicated on a two-way relationship that he had with the Ghanaian people. As a leader, he exerted influence, but he was also influenced by and accountable to the people. He attempted to be effective and legitimate, continually looking for ways to balance the competing needs and wants of the people in order to build on shared values.
The political tools of Rawlings included: the establishment of National and Local Defense Committees; emphasis on economic revival; exposure of corrupt practices; enforcement of price controls and curbing of smuggling; entrenchment of ERP in Ghana; and eventually, encouraging participatory democracy and raising level of political awareness in Ghana. While many of the above- mentioned accomplishments by the Rawlings government helped to alleviate the economic and social conditions in Ghana during this period, there were instances where some citizens experienced negative or mixed effects.
Wilheim states "effective leaders have the vision required to see things differently from others. They collect and arrange the same data we all see in ways that allow them to conceive of new and unseen phenomena. A core characteristic of all effective leaders," he concludes "is the ability to have a vision of where they are trying to go and to articulate it clearly for potential followers so that they know their personal role in achieving that vision.
Rawlings, Selected Speeches vol. Accra, Ghana: Ministry of Information, Daily Graphic.
US National Security Decision-Making Process
November 23, Africa News. December , Jeffries, R. Bentsi-Enchill, N. Jeong, H. Ayee, J. London: Avebury Ashgate Publishing Company, Bennis, W. On Becoming a Leader.
Callaghy, T. Nelson, ed.
Chazan, N. Bo ulder, CO: Westview Press, Green, R. Leith, C. Bates and Anne O. Krueger, eds. Oxford, U. Page 6 of 6. Usually, the investigator seeks to ascertain the causal effect of one variable upon another—the effect of a price increase upon demand, for example, or the effect of changes in the money supply upon the inflation rate. To explore such issues, the investigator assembles data on the underlying variables of interest and employs regression to estimate the quantitative effect of the causal variables upon the variable that they influence. Increasingly, they have become important to lawyers and legal policy makers as well.
I thank Donna Cote for helpful research assistance. Monsanto Co. To make the discussion concrete, I will employ a series of illustrations involving a hypothetical analysis of the factors that determine indi- vidual earnings in the labor market. The illustrations will have a legal fl avor in the latter part of the lecture, where they will incorporate the possibility that earnings are impermissibly influenced by gender in violation of the federal civil rights laws.
The lecture is limited to the assumptions, mechanics, and common difficulties with single- equation, ordinary least squares regression. What is Regression? For purposes of illustration, suppose that we wish to identify and quantify the factors that determine earnings in the labor market. For the time being, let us restrict attention to a single factor—call it education.
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